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This list of books by or about Adolf Hitler is an English only non-fiction bibliography. There are thousands of books written about Hitler; therefore, this is not an all inclusive list. The list has been segregated into groups to make the list more manageable. The german people versus hitler responding to fascism vol 9 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Main article: List of speeches given by Adolf Hitler. Baynes, N.
Based on an examination of the role of the police in the ascendancy of the Fascist, Nazi and Falangist political movements, the structures of the police systems subsequently created, the type of police personnel operating under these regimes, and the extent of terror they employed, the article illustrates the contrasting features of the police systems concerned but looks to identify similar patterns of development that would allow the formulation of a model for the creation of systems of repression under right-wing dictatorships.
This has mainly focused on Nazi Germany and Nazi-occupied territories. There has also been an attempt to undertake a more thorough investigation of the Italian Fascist police. While historians have examined in some detail Francoist repression within the general context of the history of the Spanish civil war and the ensuing dictatorship, most research has not focused more specifically on the role of the police forces.
It both illustrates the contrasting features of the police systems concerned and attempts to identify similar patterns of development that might allow us to move towards the formulation of a model for the creation of police systems at the disposal of right-wing dictatorships.
Can we, for example, attribute the role of the police in supporting right-wing movements in their ascendancy to power to similar or identical factors? How far did the fascist regimes concerned incorporate pre-existing policing systems and their personneland how did this determine levels of loyalty, efficiency, coercion and terror? The first section considers the role of the police in the ascendancy of right-wing movements, placing emphasis on not only political factors, but also matters concerning the internal functioning of the police, as determining support for fascist movements.
The subsequent section analyses the extent to which and manner in which these systems employed professional policemen as opposed to non-professional political figures. The final section compares and contrasts the employment of terror in the police systems analyzed. Moreover, they lacked men and resources, having emerged from the First World War in a state of extreme fragility 4. Since unification, governments had tended to deal with social and political unrest in an authoritarian manner, frequently calling in the army or Carabinieri military police to put down strikes and demonstrations.
This often resulted in casualties, and perpetuated a historic mistrust between the police and the worker and peasant classes. However, it is likely that an excessive militarization of the post-war police was also behind this 6. This move would theoretically grant the Interior Ministry autonomy from the army in matters of policing, relegating the Carabinieri to rural areas. In practice, however, the military character of the Guardie Regie was accentuated to the extent that the civilian police authorities of the Interior Ministry did not have complete control over them.
The corps largely modelled itself on the Carabinieri and recruited considerable numbers of guards and officers from the army.
Its relationship with the working class movement was highly confrontational. Moreover, the Guardie Regie continued to work alongside the Carabinieri in both the cities and rural areas, often jointly employed in the repression of the same public order disturbance 7.
However, it was also a consequence of their contempt for the law and order policy of post-war Liberal governments, which on many occasion angered the police by ordering them to show restraint in dealing with strikes and demonstrations. On the one hand, governments desired where possible to make social, economic and political concessions to the working classes.
in his 18th Brumaire was not a mass movement like Fascism or National. Socialism, and . chief example of this sort of fascism was Nazi Germany, a regime infatuated 9 See Henry Ashby Turner, Jr., "Fascism and Modernization," pp. above all the creation of individuals: Mussolini and Hitler. .. of Marxism, vol.
We should consider this in the context of democratic advancements in post-war Italy, including the introduction in of proportional parliamentary representation that saw a dramatic increase in influence of mass parties. On the other, they feared that they were insufficiently equipped to repress large-scale revolutionary initiatives. This was the case during the metallurgical factory occupations of Augustwhen the prime minister, Giovanni Giolitti, ordered the police and army not the german people versus hitler responding to fascism vol 9 intervene.
It is unlikely that the police or the middle classes understood or accepted this strategy, in spite of its success in defusing the revolutionary character of the occupations. Others had genuine political sympathies for a movement founded on patriotism and anti-Socialism. Some had fought alongside future Fascists during the First World War. Insults against the police in the Socialist press, often of a highly personal nature, increased the attractiveness of Fascism.
Institutional factors relating to the police also helped to determine their attitude towards Fascism. Greater Carabinieri support may have been the result of resentment towards post-war Liberal governments, which had expanded and militarized the Interior Ministry police inpartly at their expense. Sven Reichardt argues, however, that the limited hierarchical control that the Prefect government-appointed head of the province was able to exercise over the Carabinieri also explains this 9.
Many police commanders ignored official orders to prevent Fascist violence during the election campaign and on polling day, since they felt that it was their duty to ensure the victory of government-supporting candidates. Similarly, in the summer of the new prime minister, Ivanoe Bonomi, ordered the outlawing of the Arditi del Popolo a paramilitary organization independent of both the Socialist and Communist Parties 10founded to defend the working class against Fascist violence as an armed and criminal association, whilst merely continuing to order the repression of Fascist violence.
This suggested to the police and judiciary that the government saw Fascism as far less of a threat than the Left They were accustomed to tolerating private forms of policing and political violence. In the Po Valley, for example, Fascism had its roots in pre-war employer vigilantism against the peasant movement.
The local police mainly accepted this phenomenon. It gave them considerable autonomy of action with the risk of reducing their loyalty to superiors or government However, it is clear that a large number hesitated or merely acted in accordance with what they interpreted as government policy. While it was one thing for them to benefit from the help of Fascists in fighting Socialism, it was another to oppose directly government orders.
And then in , the global economic crisis hit. Germany became a republic in Many Germans were dissatisfied with the new situation. In , Hitler came to power and turned Germany into a dictatorship. Nevertheless, things started to look up from the mids onwards. They longed for a return to the Empire. How did the Nazi party come to power and how did Hitler manage to eliminate his opponents? Many people also believed that the ruling social democrats were to blame for losing the war.
We should remember, too, that there were incidents in which both the Carabinieri and the Guardie Regie killed and injured Fascists. When by the summer of a Fascist political victory seemed inevitable, policemen that were not pro-Fascist thought very carefully about the professional consequences of making a name for themselves as anti-Fascists. The best solution was to strike a balance between not compromising themselves excessively either way.
Police and army reactions to initial government orders to prevent a Fascist seizure of power at the end of October varied between energetic resistance with Fascists being injured or killed and surrender, though clear cases of active collaboration with the Fascists are difficult to identify.
In the end, full-scale conflict between government and Fascist forces did not take place, as the prime minister, Luigi De Facta, retracted an order for the establishment of military rule and Mussolini was invited to become prime minister In the Weimar Republic, there was evidence from the late twenties onwards of police support for the Nazi movement. Similar to the Italian situation, this attitude was a product of political sympathies, difficulties in law and order maintenance and ambiguities surrounding government police strategies.
According to Richard Bessel, there were several flaws in this. Although the Schutzpolizei were supposed to be a civil force subordinate to regional administration, in many respects this was a reorganized version of the short-lived Sicherheitspolizeidisbanded on the orders of the Allies in because of their paramilitary character and questionable democratic credentials. There remained a prevalence of military forms of training and tactics and military personnel among the officers.
The Schutzpolizei had to face high levels of crime during the early years of the Weimar Republic due to food shortages and revolutionary unrest.
Though crime levels dropped from the mid-twenties onwards, they had to deal with an increase in bureaucratic tasks, whilst during the early thirties political radicalism and growing unemployment burdened their workload. The Social Democrat government intended to limit the use of the army in policing given its questionable loyalty to the Republic and desired to create a police that worked with and was a part of the civilian public. Yet, this did not preclude the creation of a heavily armed police force that had to be able to deal with a Communist revolutionary threat.
Though the Schutzpolizei managed to quell a major Communist uprising in Saxony in March without substantial army support, the corps subsequently underwent far greater instruction in the use of arms than in ordinary policing Moreover, many police leaders, some of whom Social Democrats, shared authoritarian concepts concerning the role of the police as defender by any means and regardless of legal considerations of the German state and its people.
Such concepts had quite a lot in common with Nazi police theory The perceived failure of the Weimar Republic to empower the police to deal adequately with ordinary crime was also crucial for police support of Nazism.
Patrick Wagner shows, for example, how the Berlin Kriminalpolizei felt frustrated in its attempts to repress a powerful criminal underworld during the late twenties, because of excessive concerns on the part of the judiciary for the rights of defendants, with the result that it was difficult to have criminals convicted.
This helped to intensify the belief among detectives that the police should have greater power and autonomy from an excessively Liberal judicial system in order to preventively detain habitual criminals, some of whom for life.
Many were undoubtedly moved by Nazi promises that if they came to power the police would no longer be humiliated in their fight against crime In comparison with Weimar Germany, the influence that matters concerning ordinary crime may have had on police support for right-wing authoritarian take-overs in Italy and Spain does not appear to have been the object of any detailed research.
While during the twenties police salaries were generally not better than those in the mainly lower-middle class professions that policemen had previously occupied and, indeed, got comparatively worse during the late twentiespolicemen were grateful for a safe job. In theory, when year contracts in the Schutzpolizei expired, policemen would find employment in other areas of state administration.
In practice, this did not happen This created tensions with the Social Democrat government and increased police support for the Nazis. Ex-policemen were extremely bitter about their treatment by the Republic, forming protest organizations, which openly insulted the German state and public authorities over this In his comparison of Italian squadrismo and the German SA, Reichardt argues, however, that police collaboration with the Nazis was not as open as in Italy.
This depended on the fact that the German state exercised greater territorial control in dealing with law and order difficulties. It managed to maintain greater loyalty on the part of policemen as a result of career conditions that were still comparatively better than in Italy the german people versus hitler responding to fascism vol 9 Ironically, this may have increased rather than reduced the risks of police involvement in Nazi activities.
The Prussian Minister of the Interior, Carl Severing justified his failure to call out the Schutzpolizei on the grounds that under martial law the police were no longer subject to the authority of the Prussian government. Liang argues that as long as their superiors did not resist the army, the rank-and-file of the Schutzpolizei were hardly likely to react either.
Moreover, most had not evolved a sense of political self-reliance under the Weimar Republic, to which they were mainly unsympathetic anyway. A few did contemplate armed resistance in support of a minority of Republican officers Liang notes that policemen turned a blind eye to Nazi activities and carried out selective arrests to the advantage of Nazis when they were involved in fights with Communists.
Police support for the Nazis during this stage was more official than in Italy. Policemen were allowed to join the Nazi party and openly went to Nazi rallies. Pro-Nazi police leaders intimidated the rank-and-file by carrying out investigations of policemen for alleged acts of brutality against Nazis Bessel argues that while many police officers were Nazi supporters, just as many were not. Because of their sense of professional identity and concern about their careers, those who were not fanatical Nazis most probably accepted the transition to an authoritarian system founded on the restoration of order and respect for the police Levels of political violence during the phase leading up to the military rebellion were far higher than in pre-Nazi Weimar Germany and pre-Fascist Liberal Italy.
Moreover, the violence mainly came from left-wing groups and parties, including the Socialists, with the Falangists playing a more defensive role and acting in isolated groups in comparison to well-organized squads of Blackshirts or Stormtroopers The Republic was initially tough on law and order, but this combined in a contradictory manner with a restructuring and attempted democratization in the wake of the defeat of the de Rivera dictatorship of the armed forces that had traditionally been responsible for law and order maintenance in Spain.
According to Stanley Payne, military reforms did not weaken the scope of military jurisdiction in Spain. The Law for the Defence of the Republic of allowed a continuation of strong government measures and the suspension of civil guarantees where required.
The new Public Order Law ofreplacing the law, provided for states of legal exception of varying intensity but including the imposition of martial law, while military courts continued to judge cases of abuse of power by the Civil Guard and verbal insults against the Civil Guard The Republican government also created a new national police force, the Assault Guards Guardia de Asalto for service in the cities alongside the urban Security police- Seguridad that was originally intended as a professionally trained civilian alternative to the army or Civil Guard for dealing with urban unrest The Republic frequently imposed martial law and other restrictions on constitutional guarantees in the face of destabilization attempts by left-wing revolutionary groups.
The Assault Guards gradually took on a military character, and only differed from the Civil Guard in name and uniform, while a military figure still occupied the german people versus hitler responding to fascism vol 9 general inspectorate of the Civil Guard The army, Civil Guard and the Assault Guards behaved brutally in the face of peasant rebellions and general strikes, and with relative impunity.
While they were in governmentthe Socialists supported this tough public order stance especially because the main targets of the repression Communists and Anarcho-Syndicalists were political rivals At the local level, individual guards felt humiliated at having to take orders from Republican and Socialist councillors It is likely, in addition, that increased civilian control of the Civil Guard, though of questionable significance in terms of law and order maintenance, and the dismissal of the commander in chief, Sanjurjo, inbecause of his suspected disloyalty to the government 36outraged many within the corps.
October saw a nationwide insurrection organized by the Socialists that had to be sedated by means of martial law and fierce repression, which saw the death of around revolutionaries and between and policemen Political violence escalated out of control again following the electoral victory of the Popular Front in February So did an amnesty of those imprisoned for previous acts of violence, and the prosecution of Civil Guards considered responsible for heavy-handed repression If necessary this meant turning against governments incapable of doing this.
The attempted coups of on the initiative of the commander of the Barcelona Civil Guard, Primo de Rivera, and of August under Sanjurjo illustrate this